By Mark
R. Whittington
(Originally Published 9/99)
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Two developments over the summer would tend to
indicate that the United States government remains basically clueless about
what is necessary to encourage the commercialization of space. One
development, emerging from the halls of Congress, is the Space Launch Loan
Guarantee Bill being offered by Senator John Breaux (D) Louisiana. The other
development is the very strange kabuki dance being performed by NASA about
finding a commercial provider for the inflatable Transhab module for the
International Space Station. The Space Launch Loan Guarantee Bill is
designed to encourage the development of an American private launch industry
and thus lower the cost of accessing space. The bill would do this by
spending five hundred million dollars to guarantee commercial loans to
American companies that are working on new space launch vehicles. The task of
choosing which companies would receive the loan guarantees would be given to
the Secretary of Transportation. There are two serious drawbacks to the
Breaux bill. One lies in how the bill is written and the other is inherent in
offering loan guarantees. The bill is written in such a way that
gives the Secretary of Transportation almost total discretion over which
companies would get the loan guarantees and which would not. Virtually the
only objective requirements currently mentioned in the bill, according to
Space.Com, is that a company seeking a loan guarantee will have to already
have raised ten million dollars from private sources and will have to
actively seek a launch license from the Federal Aviation Administration. The potential for the United States
government rather than the marketplace to pick winners and losers in the race
to develop low cost space launch services is obvious. The temptation for the
government to favor large established aerospace companies over small
start-ups might prove to be overwhelming. The bill's approach also
discriminates against firms, like Beal Aerospace, which have managed to raise
it's needed capital without having to access venture capital markets. The other problem with the Breaux bill
is that it obligates the American taxpayers to cover loans from companies
that fail. This is the kind of service which the American government
generally does not offer other businesses and therefore the fairness of doing
so for space launch companies is open to question. Loan guarantees also
remove the essential discipline of risk that strengthens the private sector.
The American taxpayer might find itself funding questionable ventures that
might otherwise have never seen the light of day. The Breaux bill could be fixed by
creating a greater set of objective criteria for eligible space launch
companies and by limiting the discretion of the Secretary of Transportation
to deny loan guarantees to firms that meet those criteria. But a better way
to encourage an American space launch industry would be to grant tax
incentives for customers of companies offering low cost launch services. That
way the US government would not pick winners and losers nor will the US
taxpayers be obligated to cover loans of failed companies. The Breaux Space Launch Loan Guarantee
bill is at least an honest effort to address a real problem. The same cannot
be said for NASA's efforts to commercialize parts of the International Space
Station, particularly the proposed Transhab module. The current Transhab story started
earlier in the summer when the United States House of Representatives voted
to deny funding for NASA's attempt to replace the habitation module on the
International Space Station with the inflatable Transhab. NASA proposed this
substitution because the Transhab offered greater volume and improved
facilities over the original habitation module. The Transhab would provide a
three deck living area with dining, meeting, exercise, and health facilities
and individual cabins for each ISS crewmembers. Despite the Transhab's inherent
advantages, Congress found a number of problems. First and foremost, despite
NASA's assurances to the contrary, the cost of deploying the Transhab had
exploded past the cost of the original habitation module. The Transhab also
constituted another redesign (not mandated by Congress) with new and unproved
technology. Finally many in Congress suspected that the Transhab was a test
bed for a similar module for a crewed interplanetary spacecraft designed to
go to Mars. Neither the Congress nor the White House has authorized a humans
to Mars program beyond a handful of under funded, small-scale technology
programs. The NASA authorization bill that killed
government funded for Transhab did allow one loophole. Congress would allow
the addition of Transhab if NASA were to contract it's development
commercially and then enter into a lease arrangement with the private firm
which would build the module on it's own nickel. NASA appears to have decided to use
this loophole as a means to acquire the Transhab for ISS under some kind of
commercial arrangement. But the way NASA is going about it calls into
question it's seriousness toward the concept of commercialization, as most
people understand it. NASA held a Habitation Module
Commercialization Conference in the last week of August, to sound out
interest among the private sector for building a commercial habitation
module. NASA, however, only publicly announced the conference a week before
it was to take place, even though it took place two weeks before Labor Day in
the middle of the vacation season. One week is unusually short notice for
anyone, not to speak of busy business people, to change their plans and to
attend a several day conference in Houston, Texas. NASA also has all but said that the
inflatable Transhab is the preferred concept for a commercially built habitation
module. It may well be, but NASA's attitude would seem to preclude other
concepts. One concept that has never been mentioned is GEODE, which was
developed by a Johnson Space Center engineer, named Mark Holderman, using the
space shuttle external tank. A true commercial competition would involve
several different concepts, not just a few variations on the same theme. Even worse, several things that Dan
Tam, the NASA's administrator's assistant for space commercialization, said
at the conference makes NASA's commitment to commercialization questionable.
He said to attendees of the conference, "This won't be the traditional
procurement with a set of requirements and bids." He did not elaborate
upon what criteria a commercial partner would be chosen. It's possible that the partner has
already been chosen. Tam also said at the conference that NASA has already
received a proposal from a commercial firm, according to Space.Com. Tam did
not reveal which company had made the proposal or what it contained. The extremely
short time period companies have been given to come up with a proposal was a
source of complaints by many attending the conference, according to
Space.Com. That short lead-time, coupled with the "secret"
proposal, suggests that the fix may be in. If true it would not be the first time
NASA has performed a kabuki dance in pretense of offering everyone an even
chance to pick up a major privatization contract, while all the time choosing
a winner in advance. In the early 90s, NASA proposed to "privatize"
operations of the space shuttle fleet and suggested that this contract would
be put out to competitive bid. However, a short time later, NASA announced
that a consortium between Rockwell and Lockheed (now Boeing and Lockheed
Martin as a result of subsequent mergers) would be awarded the contract. No
one else need apply. If NASA were really serious about
arranging for a commercially built habitation module it would do several
things different. First it would allow commercial companies several months to
come up with proposals. NASA would not try to prejudge what form these
proposals would take, except to adhere to broadly written requirements. Then,
having received these proposals, NASA would judge them against a set of
objective criteria and would award the contract to the one that best meets
those criteria. NASA would rigorously avoid even the appearance of the kind
of crony capitalism that it has so often practiced in the past. The problem is that NASA as an
institution is inherently hostile to the private sector. Bill Wisecarver, who
worked at the Johnson Space Center for about a year writing business plans
for space station commercialization, is pessimistic about the situation
changing any time soon. Space News quotes him as saying, "NASA has some
fantastic engineers, and incredible scientific capabilities. But they don't
know how to cut a deal. They make political decisions...not economic
decisions. You just can't ask bureaucrats [who] are running the
commercialization programs to do economic deals. You are asking them to go
against their best interests. They are going to attack anything that takes
away bureaucratic control." And there lays the problem. Until NASA
is changed to become a commercial friendly organization-or is replaced by one
that is-space commercialization will remain more a concept than a reality. |